Today, I saw on the news that a guillotine appeared at the National Assembly. You know, like the guillotine used during the French Revolution. But why did a guillotine appear? It was because of a disagreement over the voting method for the standing committee chairmanship in the opposition party. They said the votes had to be written down one by one by hand and done that way, and that's why the guillotine appeared. Today, Woo Won-sik, the Speaker of the National Assembly, submitted a resolution urging his resignation, saying that the power of the people demands it. How do you see this? If he resigns quickly, it will be a relief, but if he resigns and goes to the opposition party, he might not be welcomed there. Anyway, even if Woo Won-sik steps down, someone else will have to come out from the Democratic Party. In my opinion, if we exclude Woo Won-sik, it will be very difficult for the nation in the future.

In my opinion, when I look at it, I think they will just vote all at once and select the top leaders. I think what Director Shim Yi-woon said, that the parliamentary law comes first, not customs and traditions, is important. It's not about customs and traditions, but about following the law. It is within the rules of following the law that customs are formed, and those customs are what the people can acknowledge. Who is causing the disruption now? Who is going on strike? Hong Dan-i and others are causing disruptions and strikes, but when they see the legislative leaders, they tell them to stop. In my view, regardless of what others say, they are like troublemakers. In the past, they said things like, Honestly, the National Assembly should not rest, and Let's work for free in Moonhodong. Now they are doing the same things. I firmly believe that if the people have created a position of 192 to 108, then there should be 108 members to match that position.

You need to consider negotiating. Even though they have 108 people, negotiating as if they have over 200 people, being resolute and speaking firmly, not only disrupts the relationship but also continuously portrays the National Assembly as a place of conflict, eroding trust in the National Assembly and engaging in fights to justify their actions in the future for the President. So, they are just playing the role of obstructing. From the beginning to the end, they are just obstructing. The special prosecutor, Choi Byeong, will now go up to the Legislation and Judiciary Committee, then be sent back for deliberation. But if it passes, they will probably exercise the right to veto again. It will take about 20 days. Then a re-vote needs to be held. At that time, will the people who left the National Assembly come back to vote? Will they vote? Will they not? No, they won't. Well, how much the people...

You must be laughing. Even if you laugh now, it's not just for no reason. But really, it's a matter of losing the majority. If they don't come, the number of votes will decrease significantly, so isn't it natural to judge whether they will pass or not, based on whether the opposition lawmakers who entered the main chamber now exceed two minutes or not? Then, of course, even if there is a re-vote, there is a possibility of passing, so with 192 members being present due to the majority of those present and voting, if they don't come in, the optimal number will naturally be 192. Then, it's about whether they will come in or not. Currently, the internal situation of the National Assembly is 11 to 7, right? The ruling party now has 11 members appointed, right? Do they want to have seven more or not? Do the 108 members of the National Assembly want to have seven more or not? Is it better to have at least seven members with a conscience or not?

They want to take everything if you ask a question. For example, now, to Yongsan, oh, as a candidate, oh, so the people there really don't accept any recommendations, Chairman Lee, you should appoint, they don't say that. So, in the end, if Yongsan decides, they will accept even seven, and if Yongsan doesn't decide, they won't accept. Then they won't accept. So, if all 18 are appointed quickly, it's a situation where you have to move according to the National Assembly Act. I always say, the National Assembly should move faster according to the National Assembly Act. When you look at the current battlefield, what do you think? It seems like the Democratic Party and the power of the people are competing. It doesn't seem visible. In the National Assembly, don't they campaign like this? How does it look? Is the power of the people actually fighting fiercely with the Democratic Party, or is it just a formal campaign?

Do you think I'm doing that? I am on the latter side. In the news, there are a lot of distorted appearances, so we need to understand that what we always see on the surface and the true nature are different, and identifying the essence is what we need to do. You are showing a figure that moves according to the mountain's will, making the people not feel like Ah, the citizens are properly incorporating their own claims and demands. So when they ask why the top executives are appointed like this, it's for the sake of Lee Jae-myung and Bangtan. Isn't this fundamentally wrong? Asking for accountability for the collapse of state affairs by President Yoon and First Lady Kim Keun-hee and swiftly conducting a special investigation. Isn't it that they are now forming the standing committee chairman mainly around the Democratic Party to do this? The perception is completely wrong, so fighting like that is useless.

It's no use. So what should we do? Even if there are seven, we need to quickly push forward with the appointment of the chairman. This is a much-needed strategic moment. There's no time to wait. There's no reason to wait. There's no room to wait. Right now, the most important thing is not to be taken away by the People Power Party. Among the three standing committees, the Judiciary Committee, in particular, is making a lot of complaints in the media about the fact that the president took away the chairman of the Judiciary Committee. It doesn't make sense. They can't just sit back and blame others. So, who is to blame for the defeat? It's the president who couldn't handle state affairs properly. And they are talking like this, but they will probably go home and curse at the members of the National Assembly. Oh, it's really annoying. I came to the National Assembly for this? Sitting around protesting like in the old days.

Because of the situation, probably the standing committee chairman is almost like a joke, right? Even among the members of the National Assembly, the situation is becoming such that not even seven items are received when the standing committee chairman speaks. There was a case in the past, like in the 21st National Assembly when the Democratic Party swept all the chairmanships. So, now, probably many citizens are likely to have a lot of complaints. Despite that, it seems like they keep experiencing what is called the power of the prosecution. So, these lawmakers might be worried about crossing the line, and then everything might go away. Ah, Yoo Jun-suk is gone, Kim Ki-hyun is gone, everything is disappearing. It's a situation where they are all disappearing, and the process of disappearing is the same. But it's not that they were ousted in a political struggle; it's because there were issues like illegal factors that led to their removal.

It seems like there is a lot of talk about whether lawmakers will resign. Representative Jung Gi-won mentioned that. Now, even lawmakers are probably thinking, I want to receive at least seven from the people. Many are thinking like that. But currently, there is no clear consensus. From the perspective of the people's power, if they monopolize all standing committee positions, how can others find a way to stop them? They haven't found a way yet. So, as you mentioned, in the general election, this issue arose. What is the essence of this matter? It's not about whether the National Assembly is operating normally or not, but about President Yoon Seong-yeol practically running the state affairs alone through excessive use of veto power, not through cooperation, in a dictatorial situation. How will the National Assembly restrain the presidential power in such a situation? This is an unknown.

Isn't it the core issue? So, the Legislation and Judiciary Committee and the Steering Committee need to check each and every thing that was discussed with the president right away. Then, in the case of the Steering Committee, it really needs to be passed at the Standing Committee to move on to the main committee. If we keep putting the brakes on here, nothing will happen, and the public opinion won't be reflected. So, at that point, we need to fast-track it, and we have to go through the process by June 18th. If not, if we keep delaying, it's frustrating. So, we need to push ahead now, I think that would be refreshing. Then, like Pastor Kim Yong-min mentioned, if we keep bringing up rejections, how will the public's fatigue be? So, instead of fast-tracking it here, if it goes to the National Assembly and gets rejected, won't it come back in about a month? It will need to be approved again.

Decisions should be made through procedures, and the process should be repeated. The most important thing is to know the public opinion at that time. If the distribution according to the schedule set by the National Assembly Law is not made, and if the Democratic Party negotiates in that situation and delays the time for a week or two, wouldn't a backlash really occur there? Today, as Chairman Jeong Cheol-rae of the Legislation and Judiciary Committee said, don't be mistaken. When the standing committee chairman gives approval in seven years, accept it quickly. I really think I did it appropriately. Even if you want to receive it, you can't because the President is watching. Then don't do it. Then should we accept that it is right to check the President's power even if we hear unexpected accusations of dictatorship and the President is abandoning his power in order not to hear the accusation of presidential dictatorship, is it right for the National Assembly to negotiate and compromise with the ruling and opposition parties in such a situation? Isn't it up to the people to judge? This is not a question without an answer, is it?

It should be clear that the National Assembly should quickly accept the order to perform its original functions properly. The trend is YouTube, especially likes, comments, subscriptions, and notifications. These are four ways you love us, and we love you.

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정청래의 일갈! “7개 줄 때 받아라.” 민심은 7개 자리도 국민의힘에게 아깝다고.

정청래의 일갈! “7개 줄 때 받아라.” 민심은 7개 자리도 국민의힘에게 아깝다고.

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