이란-사우디아라비아 분쟁: 역사적 뿌리와 최근의 정상화

사우디아라비아와 이란의 역사적인 갈등은 최근 2023년 중국의 중재로 극적으로 정상화되고 있습니다.

### 이란과 사우디 관계의 복잡한 역사와 최근의 정상화
* 🤝 사우디아라비아와 이란은 이슬람교를 공유하는 중동 국가로, 역사적으로 갈등 관계가 지속되어 왔으며 **이는 지역 내 권력 투쟁과 대리전**으로까지 확대되었습니다.
* 🛢 20세기 초중반에는 양국이 OPEC 내에서 협력하며 비교적 평화로운 관계를 유지했지만, **이란의 서구화 및 세속화 정책**과 **보수적인 사우디아라비아의 충돌**로 인해 긴장이 고조되었습니다.
* 🕌 억압적인 이슬람 근본주의 지도자 호메이니를 집권시킨 **1979년 이란 혁명**은 호메이니의 혁명 이념이 사우디아라비아와 같은 수니파 군주국에 도전하면서 양국 관계의 전환점이 되었습니다.
* 🕊 2023년 이란과 사우디아라비아의 관계 정상화는 **외교 관계 단절 7년 만에 중국의 중재**를 통해 이루어졌습니다.
* 🇨🇳 인프라 프로젝트와 에너지 안보를 위해 중동에 대한 중국의 관심과 미국이 이 지역에 대한 개입을 줄이면서 **중국이 중재자 역할을 할 수 있는 기회**가 생겼습니다.
* 🌍 "중동의 미래 평화와 안정은 **양국의 지속적인 신뢰와 끈질긴 외교적 노력**에 달려 있습니다."
* 🇾🇪 현재 진행 중인 **예멘 분쟁, 주변 지역에 대한 이란의 영향력, 북부 걸프 지역의 미해결 가스전 주권 문제, 하마스-이스라엘 상황에 대한 입장 차이** 등은 이란과 사우디아라비아의 외교 관계를 유지하는 데 큰 장애물이 되고 있습니다.
* 🔮 양국은 장기적인 외교 관계를 유지하기 위해 **이러한 장애물을 극복**해야 할 것입니다.

Saudi Arabia and Iran, located in the Middle East, have historically been deeply embroiled in conflict. The rivalry between these two countries has extended beyond a simple bilateral issue to a power struggle throughout the Middle East, often manifesting as proxy wars in sensitive areas like Yemen and Syria. An interesting point is that both countries are Islamic nations sharing the same religious roots. The conflict between these two countries, which share the same religious foundation, often arouses curiosity about its fundamental causes. In this video, we aim to explore the process that led to the conflict between Saudi Arabia and Iran, as well as the recent reasons for the improvement in their relationship. It is worth noting that the relationship between Iran and Saudi Arabia has not always been marked by conflict as it is today. Especially in the early to mid-20th century, Iran and Saudi Arabia cooperated within OPEC to help form the oil embargo against the Soviet Union.

As important pillars, they have maintained a relatively peaceful relationship. The kings of both countries have visited each other's nations, continuing harmony. Especially during the oil crisis of the 1970s, Iran and Saudi Arabia, as members of OPEC, controlled oil production and solidified their strategic partnership. Of course, Iran's king's policy of Westernization and secularization clashed with the more conservative Saudi Arabia religiously. Around 1971, when Britain withdrew from the Persian Gulf, Iran preemptively occupied several disputed islands, causing tension with neighboring countries with vested interests in the region. Nevertheless, despite these actions, Iran and Saudi Arabia maintained historically amicable relations until the 1970s. At that time, Iran, which was promoting Westernization and secularization, chose to adopt a different path.

Countries were not forced to impose reforms like their own, and at that time, the United States had been mediating the volatile relationship between Saudi Arabia and Iran. However, the relationship between Iran and Saudi Arabia, which had been like this, completely deteriorated starting in 1979. The revolution that ousted the Pahlavi dynasty in Iran erupted, and the oppressive Islamic fundamentalist religious leader Khomeini seized power in Iran, completely changing the political and religious situation within Iran. In fact, depending on which sect of Islam a country follows, the country's religious direction can change completely. The conflicts that arise between countries at this point escalate to a much higher level than we think, creating numerous refugees. The Syrian civil war and the Yemeni civil war, both caused by conflicts between Shia and Sunni Muslims, are examples of this. On the other hand, Pahlavi

After the Prophet's death, the conflict between Iran and Saudi Arabia that occurred post-exodus was directly related to the fundamental issue of Islamic sects. The division between Sunni and Shia Islam can be traced back about 1400 years to understand its exact origins. In the year 632, in Medina, located in present-day Saudi Arabia, after the death of Prophet Muhammad, there was a debate among Muslim leaders about who was the legitimate successor. At that time, many people supported the selection of a competent and just leader from among Muhammad's closest companions, and they eventually elected Abu Bakr, his close friend and father-in-law, as the new leader, namely the caliph. They interpreted this as those who follow Muhammad's teachings from the beginning. However, some factions emphasized Muhammad's lineage, believing that only his family members could inherit special spiritual and political authority.

They argued and supported Ali ibn Abi Talib, Muhammad's cousin and son-in-law, as the rightful caliph. This faction later became the Shia, meaning supporters of Ali, and amidst the debate over who should succeed him, Ali and his supporters eventually recognized Abu Bakr's leadership to avoid conflict and maintain the unity of the Muslim community. The history of the Muslim community was marked by turmoil for decades thereafter. Both Umar, the second caliph who succeeded Abu Bakr, and Usman, the third caliph, were tragically assassinated during their rule. However, after 66 years, Ali was finally chosen by the majority to become the fourth caliph. Yet, Ali, like the others, faced the tragic fate of being assassinated within just five years amid the division and civil war among various Muslim factions.

After his death, his son, Hassan, was acknowledged as the caliph, but under the pressure of the Umayyad dynasty, which possessed the strongest military power at the time, he had no choice but to surrender. Later, the Umayyad leader, Muawiya, seized power, abolished the existing method of appointing a caliph, designated his own son, Yazid, as the successor, and formalized the hereditary principle. Yazid then compelled many who had been loyal to the previous caliphate system to pledge allegiance. These actions were continued by Hussain, another son of Ali. However, at that time, Hussain refused Yazid's demands, and in the year 680, Hussain, his companions, and supporters were brutally massacred by Yazid's army. This event, known as the Karbala tragedy, became the catalyst for the Shia to establish a separate power. The Shia, who valued the lineage of Muhammad,

The deaths of Ali and subsequent martyrdom of Hussein led to the formation of a separate faction supporting their descendants. On the other hand, many who acknowledged the rule of the Umayyad dynasty were classified as Sunnis, emphasizing the unity of the community and the continuity of the caliphate, carrying on the history. Over the centuries, both sects developed separate royal lineages, unique religious practices, jurisprudence, and clergy classes amidst conflicts, coexistence, and persecutions in history. In 1501, a powerful dynasty in Persia officially adopted Shia Islam as the state religion, initiating a strong governance. Subsequently, prolonged conflicts and wars between Shia Persia and Sunni Ottoman Empire deepened the divide between Shia and Sunni over time. This conflict has escalated in modern times, involving countries such as Iran, Saudi Arabia, which have adopted Shia Islam.

It led to conflicts between Sunni and Khan countries. About 90% of the population worships Shia, while in Saudi Arabia, about 90% follow Sunni. These two countries not only play a crucial role in the Middle East's oil production but also represent Shia and Sunni Islam. However, in the early 20th century, the sectarian issues of the two countries were overshadowed by the interference of great powers, the First and Second World Wars, and other major global events. After the World Wars, amid the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union, both countries could avoid major conflicts as key American allies. At that time, Iran's Shah Pahlavi II's Westernization policy could have further weakened sectarian conflicts among Middle Eastern countries. However, following the 1979 Iranian Revolution, Pahlavi was overthrown, and the oppressive Islamic fundamentalism was

Ayatollah Khomeini, the religious leader who rose to power, transformed Iran into an Islamic state. The internal religious conflicts that had been dormant beneath the surface erupted in the 1980s. The vision of the Khomeini government was based on the concept of Vilayat-e Faqih, where the supreme religious leader holds ultimate political power. This was in stark contrast to Saudi Arabia's monarchy, which combines monarchy and Islam. Khomeini proclaimed himself as the guardian of Shia Muslims worldwide and encouraged Shia political activities in various countries. By spreading religious zeal to other Middle Eastern countries and even challenging monarchies like Saudi Arabia, Khomeini's ideology was inevitably seen as a direct challenge to existing Sunni monarchies. In particular, the Saudi royal family saw Khomeini's revolutionary ideology as a threat to the minority-rich eastern region abundant in oil.

I was worried that various conflicts within Shi'a Islam could lead to the emergence of government-backed struggles. The spread of the Islamic Revolution went beyond the religious context of Shi'a and Sunni, resembling power struggles like the ideological warfare between the United States and the Soviet Union. The Iran-Iraq War, which began when Iraq invaded Iran in 1980, further intensified tensions between Iran and Saudi Arabia. At that time, Saudi Arabia and other Gulf Arab countries viewed Iraq's Saddam Hussein regime as a bulwark against the export of the revolution and provided significant financial and material support to Iraq. This war accelerated sectarian divisions and solidified the emerging conflict between Iran and Saudi Arabia. In the 1990s and 2000s, the relationship between Saudi Arabia and Iran continued to be marked by ongoing competition and conflict.

In 2010, the Arab Spring demanding the overthrow of authoritarian governments and democratic reforms began in Tunisia, spreading to various Arab countries such as Bahrain, Syria, and Yemen, leading to significant changes in the Middle East. The Arab Spring initially started by demanding greater political freedom, economic opportunities, and social justice. However, as regimes collapsed or faced crises, the situation took on sectarian and factional characteristics. In this context, Iran and Saudi Arabia swiftly moved to protect their interests and prevent the expansion of influence by rival powers in the Middle East. One of the most representative events was the civil wars in Syria and Yemen. Syria became a prominent area of conflict between Saudi Arabia and Iran, with the support of the Shia Alawite Assad regime by Iran, and Sunni rebel forces supported by Saudi Arabia and other Gulf countries, resulting in numerous casualties.

It led to refugees. In Yemen, the Shia militia Houthis, supported by Iran, expelled Sunni officials in 2015, leading to a full-blown civil war. At that time, Saudi Arabia, extremely wary of a government closely linked to Iran forming right below it, continued military intervention through cooperation with neighboring Arab countries. In addition, power struggles between Sunnis and Shias were taking place in various Middle Eastern countries such as Lebanon and Bahrain. Iran and Saudi Arabia were expanding their influence through support to these countries. On January 2, 2016, the Saudi government executed a prominent Shia cleric who had been advocating for Shia rights and criticizing the government's oppression of minorities. This event triggered strong backlash from Shia factions, including Iran. Enraged Iranian protesters attacked the Saudi embassy in Tehran and the consulate in Mashhad.

The embassy was attacked, and they even set fire to the building in response. As a result, on January 3rd, Saudi Arabia immediately severed diplomatic relations with Iran, causing the relationship between the two countries to hit rock bottom. Iran and Saudi Arabia seemed to be taking steps that could not be reversed, leading to deepening distrust and hostility towards each other for several years. This was seen as an extension of the long-standing conflict between Shiites and Sunnis, as well as a power struggle between the regional powers of the Middle East, Iran and Saudi Arabia. However, just seven years after the two countries cut ties in 2023, they were able to defy many people's expectations and achieve a dramatic normalization of relations. China played a mediating role in this. China has long been interested in the Middle East for large-scale infrastructure construction projects and competitiveness through one-on-one projects.

It was pouring, and recently, while the United States has been consistently blocking China's access to Western technology and markets, the Middle East has been considered an important alternative for stable growth of the Chinese economy. Furthermore, amidst the fluctuation of the global energy market following Russia's invasion of Ukraine, Saudi Arabia and Iran, as oil-producing countries in the Middle East, had no choice but to be seen as key partners for China's energy security. Especially, Saudi Arabia is China's largest oil supplier, and despite U.S. sanctions, Iran has secured the third-largest crude oil export to China, making its role very significant. In this situation, the United States has been reducing its involvement in the Middle East and moving towards a somewhat uncomfortable relationship with Saudi Arabia over the issue of Israel. Already having imposed economic sanctions on Iran and even declared it part of the Axis of Evil, the conflict between Iran and Saudi Arabia was something the United States could hardly intervene in.

There was no room for problems, and China took advantage of the diplomatic gap in the United States right away. With no serious diplomatic conflicts like the U.S. with Iran, China was in the best position to play a mediating role between the two countries. Saudi Arabia also believed that amid the increasing discomfort in the relationship between the U.S. and the Middle East, it was necessary to give the U.S. a shock through this agreement with Iran. On the other hand, Iran aimed to expand its political space by excluding the U.S. from the reconciliation process with Saudi Arabia and introducing itself and friendly China as new players in the Middle East region. In the end, the normalization of relations between the two countries through China's mediation in 2023 can be understood as a result that aligns with the interests of these new nations. After this agreement, both countries

The embassy has reopened, and in November 2023, the President of Iran visited Saudi Arabia to seriously discuss conflict resolution. Through this, the atmosphere of the relationship between the two countries has changed significantly from one of open hostility to one of extreme caution. Of course, in order for these two countries to sustain diplomatic relations in the long term, they must overcome many obstacles. The ongoing Yemen conflict, Iran's extensive influence towards surrounding conflict areas, continues to make Saudi Arabia uneasy. The unresolved issue of gas field sovereignty in the northern Gulf, and the recent Hamas-Israel situation, where Iran supports Hamas' resistance movement while Saudi Arabia classifies Hamas as a terrorist organization, reflect the differing positions between the two countries.

The differences are being highlighted again. In addition, the numerous conflicts surrounding the Middle East have become significant obstacles to the restoration of relations between the two countries. To resolve the complex sectarian and political conflicts in the Middle East, continuous trust and persistent diplomatic efforts from both countries are necessary. The future peace and stability of the Middle East will depend precisely on these efforts. This concludes the video on Iran-Saudi relations. Thank you for watching.

같은 이슬람 국가인데, 대체 왜 최악의 관계가 된 걸까?

국제정치와 사상 그리고 역사에 관심 있으신 분들 모두 모이세요 /^0^/

문의: migmigkhh2@gmail.com


지식한잔

사우디아라비아와 이란의 갈등: 역사적, 종교적 라이벌 관계

사우디아라비아와 이란은 오랜 분쟁의 역사를 가지고 있으며, 이는 양국 간의 문제를 넘어 중동의 권력 다툼으로까지 확대되었습니다.

이 경쟁은 종종 예멘과 시리아 같은 민감한 지역에서 대리전을 통해 드러나는데, 이는 두 나라가 이슬람이라는 공통된 종교적 뿌리를 가지고 있기 때문입니다.

1979년 이란이 혁명을 겪으며 권력이 교체되고 정치적, 종교적 지형이 바뀌면서 양국 간의 갈등은 더욱 심화되었습니다.

시아파와 수니파 이슬람의 분열

처음에는 알리 이븐 아비 탈립이 칼리프로 지지되었지만, 나중에 그의 지지자들은 분쟁을 피하기 위해 아부 바크르를 인정했습니다.

분열로 인해 시아파가 형성되어 알리의 후손을 지지하는 반면 수니파는 우마이야 왕조를 인정했습니다.

시아파 페르시아와 수니파 오스만 제국 간의 갈등은 수세기에 걸쳐 분열을 심화시켰고, 현대에 이르러 이란과 사우디아라비아가 중요한 역할을 하면서 더욱 심화되었습니다.

아야톨라 호메이니가 중동에 미친 영향

아야톨라 호메이니는 이란을 이슬람 국가로 탈바꿈시키고 빌라얏-에 파키의 이념을 장려했습니다.

그의 이념은 수니파 군주국, 특히 사우디아라비아에 도전하여 지속적인 갈등과 경쟁으로 이어졌습니다.

이란-이라크 전쟁과 아랍의 봄은 이란과 사우디아라비아 간의 긴장을 격화시켜 시리아와 예멘에서 대리 전쟁으로 이어졌습니다.

이란과 사우디아라비아의 롤러코스터 관계

이란과 사우디아라비아는 예멘 내전과 시아파 성직자 처형 사건으로 갈등이 격화되면서 외교 관계가 단절되었습니다.

하지만 7년 만에 중국이 중재자 역할을 하면서 놀랍게도 두 나라는 관계를 정상화했습니다.

특히 에너지 안보를 위해 중동에 대한 중국의 관심이 커지고 미국의 관여가 변화한 것이 관계 정상화에 기여했습니다.

이란과 사우디 관계에 대한 중국의 중재

중국은 미국의 외교적 공백을 틈타 이란과 사우디아라비아 사이에서 중재 역할을 수행하며 자국의 정치적 영향력 확대를 노리고 있습니다.

2023년 관계 정상화로 양국은 적대감에서 경계로 전환했지만, 여전히 예멘 분쟁과 다양한 지역 문제에 대한 입장 차이와 같은 장애물에 직면해 있습니다.

이러한 장애물을 극복하고 중동의 평화와 안정에 기여하기 위해서는 이란과 사우디아라비아의 지속적인 신뢰와 외교적 노력이 필요합니다.