In connection with the Jewish question, I have this to say: it is a shameful spectacle to see how the whole

democratic world is oozing sympathy for the poor, tormented Jewish people, but remains hard-hearted and obdurate when

it comes to helping them, which is surely, in view of its attitude, an obvious duty. The arguments that are brought up as an

excuse for not helping them actually speak for us Germans and Italians, for this is what they say: one, that is the

democracies are not in a position to take in the Jews; yet in these empires there are not 10 people per square

kilometer, while Germany, with her 135 inhabitants per square kilometer, is supposed to have room for them. Two, they

assure us we cannot take them unless Germany is prepared to allow them a certain amount of capital to bring with

them as immigrants. For hundreds of years Germany was good enough to receive these elements, although they possessed nothing except infectious political and physical

diseases. What they possess today they have, to a very large extent, gained at the cost of the less astute German

nation, by the most reprehensible manipulations. Today we are merely paying these people what they deserve. When the

German nation was, thanks to the inflation instigated and carried through by Jews, deprived of the entire savings

which it had accumulated in years of honest work; when the rest of the world took away the German nation's

foreign investments; when we were divested of the whole of our colonial possessions—these philanthropic considerations evidently carried little

noticeable weight with democratic statesmen. Today I can only assure these gentlemen that, thanks to the brutal

education with which the democracies favored us for 15 years, we are completely hardened to all attacks of

Sentiment after more than 800,000 children of the nation had died of hunger and undernourishment at the

close of the war, we witnessed almost 1 million head of milking cows being driven away from us in accordance with

the cruel paragraphs of a dictate which the humane democratic apostles of the world forced upon us as a peace treaty.

We witnessed over 1 million German prisoners of war being retained in confinement for no reason at all for a

whole year after the war was ended. We witnessed over 1 and a half million Germans being torn away from all that

they possessed in the territories lying on our frontiers and being expelled with practically only what they wore on

their backs. We had to endure having millions of our fellow countrymen torn from us without their consent and

without their being afforded the slightest possibility of existence. I could supplement these examples with dozens of the most cruel kind; for this

reason we ask to be spared all sentimental talk. The German nation does not wish its interests to be determined

and controlled by any foreign nation: France to the French, England to the English, America to the Americans, and Germany to the Germans. We are resolved

to prevent the settlement in our country of a foreign people which was capable of snatching for itself all the leading

positions in the land and to oust it, for it is our will to educate our own nation for these leading positions. We have

hundreds of thousands of very intelligent children of peasants and of the working classes. We shall have them

educated; in fact, we have already begun, and we wish that one day they, and not the representatives of an alien race, may

hold the leading positions in the state, together with our educated classes. Above all, German culture, as its name alone

shows is German and not Jewish, and therefore its management and care will be entrusted to members of our own

nation. If the rest of the world cries out with hypocritical meanness against this barbaric expulsion from Germany of

such an irreplaceable and culturally eminently valuable element, we can only be astonished at the conclusions they

draw from this situation; for how thankful they must be that we are releasing these precious apostles of

culture and placing them at the disposal of the rest of the world. In accordance with their own declarations, they cannot

find a single reason to excuse themselves for refusing to receive this most valuable race in their own

countries. Nor can I see a reason why the members of this race should be imposed upon the German nation, while in the

states which are so enthusiastic about these splendid people, their settlement should suddenly be refused with every imaginable excuse. I think that the

sooner this problem is solved, the better. For Europe cannot settle down until the Jewish question is cleared up. It may

very well be possible that sooner or later an agreement on this problem may be reached in Europe, even between those

nations which otherwise do not so easily come together. The world has sufficient space for settlements, but we must once

and for all get rid of the opinion that the Jewish race was only created by God for the purpose of being, in a certain

percentage, a parasite on the body and the productive work of other nations. The Jewish race will have to adapt itself to

sound, constructive activity as other nations do, or sooner or later it will succumb to a crisis of inconceivable

magnitude. One thing I should like to say on this day, which may be memorable for others as well as for us Germans, in the

In the course of my life, I have very often been a prophet and have usually been ridiculed for it. During the time of my struggle for

power, it was in the first instance the Jewish race which only received my prophecies with laughter when I said

that I would one day take over the leadership of the state and with it that of the whole nation, and that I would

then, among many other things, settle the Jewish problem. Their laughter was uproarious, but I think that for some

time now they have been laughing on the other side of their faces. Today I will once more be a prophet: if the

international Jewish financiers in and outside Europe should succeed in plunging the nations once more into a

world war, then the result will not be the Bolshevization of the earth and thus the victory of Jewry, but the annihilation

of the Jewish race in Europe. The nations are no longer willing to die on the battlefield so that this unstable

international race may profit from a war or satisfy its Old Testament vengeance.

AI RECONSTRUCTS HITLER'S SPEECH TO ENGLISH (Extended)

History Unknown 

유대인 문제에 대한 민주적 대응에 대한 비판

실질적인 도움은 제공하지 않으면서 유대인에 대한 민주주의 국가들의 위선적인 동정심.

유대인을 돕지 않는 것에 대한 변명은 비판을 받고, 민주주의 국가들은 공간과 자본 부족을 이유로 내세웁니다.

독일의 높은 인구 밀도는 민주주의 국가의 낮은 인구 밀도와 대조를 이룹니다.

유대인 이민자들의 자본에 대한 요구는 독일이 역사적으로 빈곤한 이민자들을 받아들인 것에 대응하고 있습니다.

인플레이션과 자산 손실로 인한 독일의 경제적 어려움을 언급합니다.

과거의 고난에 근거한 독일 조치의 정당성

과거의 고통(어린이 사망, 가축 손실, 전쟁 포로)으로 인한 정서적 호소에 대한 독일의 회복력.

제1차 세계대전 이후 민주주의 국가들의 가혹한 대우(가축 손실, 전쟁 포로, 추방)가 묘사됩니다.

수백만 명의 독일인이 영토에서 추방되어 기본 생필품이 거부당했습니다.

감정적인 호소를 중단하고 독일의 국익에 집중할 것을 요청합니다.

독일의 국익과 유대인 정착에 대한 반대

자결권 주장: '프랑스는 프랑스인에게, 영국은 영국인에게, 미국은 미국인에게, 독일은 독일인에게'.

유대인 정착에 대한 반대는 주요 직책의 지배에 대한 두려움 때문이었습니다.

독일인 자녀를 다른 인종이 아닌 주도적인 위치로 교육할 계획입니다.

독일 문화가 유대인 문화와 구별된다는 점을 강조합니다.

국제적 비판에 대한 비꼬는 대응

유대인 추방에 대한 국제적 비판에 대한 비꼬는 반응으로, 다른 나라에서 유대인을 사용할 수 있게 해준 것에 대해 감사를 표시했습니다.

유대인 정착을 거부하는 다른 국가들의 위선에 의문을 제기하는 동시에 독일의 행동을 비판합니다.

유대인 문제를 해결하는 것이 유럽의 안정을 위해 필수적이라는 믿음.

유대인을 다른 나라의 기생충으로 보는 시각을 거부할 것을 촉구합니다.

유대인이 건설적인 활동에 적응하지 않으면 큰 위기에 직면할 수 있습니다.

화자의 권력 상승에 관한 과거 예언의 정확성을 주장합니다.

유대인 문제에 관한 그의 예언에 대한 과거의 조롱이 언급됩니다.

국제 유대인 금융가들이 선동한 또 다른 세계대전이 유럽에서 유대인 종족의 전멸을 초래할 것이라는 예측이 있었습니다.

특정 종족의 이익을 위해 싸우지 않으려는 국가들.