Barry Weiss on Media Polarization and Independent Journalism

Barry Weiss emphasizes the need for independent journalism to counteract mainstream media's ideological capture and restore trust in truthful reporting.

### The Rise of Independent Journalism: Barry Weiss's Perspective on Media Polarization
* 📰 Barry Weiss, a former editor at the New York Times, emphasizes that **American journalism should not require bravery**, highlighting the challenges faced by those who **diverge from mainstream views**.
* 💬 She argues that criticism is often directed at those who **stray from established orthodoxy**, creating a climate where **dissenting opinions are met with hostility**.
* 📚 Weiss reflects on her departure from the New York Times in 2020, which was fueled by **concerns over free speech** and the **lack of diverse viewpoints** within the paper.
* 🔍 She identifies a growing divide in America, characterized by **populists versus elitists**, and a third group she describes as the "**normal people**," who feel **alienated by extreme political ideologies**.
* 📈 Weiss critiques the transformation of journalism from a **truth-telling institution** to one that often seeks to **guide public opinion towards a "correct" political stance**, which she believes **undermines the foundational role of journalism**.
* 💡 She proposes that the solution lies in **creating new media institutions** that prioritize **rigorous fact-checking** while embracing **political freedom**, rather than attempting to reform existing ones.
* 🚀 Weiss encourages individuals to reject the allure of prestige associated with elite institutions, advocating for a **return to basic American values** that feel increasingly threatened in the current polarized climate.
* 🌐 Ultimately, she believes that the future of journalism lies in **independent platforms that foster genuine discourse and trust with their audiences**, as opposed to the mainstream media's tendency towards **propaganda**.

a major resignation now an editor at the New York Times showing up for work as a Centrist that an American newspaper should not require bravery. She's saying no one should be allowed to criticize me. Please welcome Barry Weiss. Anyone that departs from wol Orthodoxy gets a lot more heat. A new consensus has emerged in the Press, but perhaps especially at this paper. If you don't have the right views, everything is caveat edited triple quadruple amount of times. Should it take courage to say that those who praise the pristine Subways of Russia are not journalists but propagandists? Should it take courage to just say in public, I [Music] disagree? Join me in welcoming Barry Weiss to the [Applause] stage. Hi, Barry. Barry, thanks for being here. Thanks for having me. Thanks for the cool weather, really appreciate it. Yes, um, Barry made headlines in... I'm going to give you a little introduction even though most everyone here knows who you are, but you made headlines in 2020 when you left the

New York Times criticizing its stance on free speech and diversity of thought. And since then, you've launched the Free Press. Congrats. I know a lot of folks here are subscribers. Um, and the Free Press declares itself a free press for free people, honest, independent, and fearless. I think we all respect and admire you for your fiercely independent thinking and direct and honest takes on current events and social issues. We feel like you're a kindred spirit, yes, a bestie. I wish um, so this may be an audition. Let's see. Well, I don't know if you guys can handle having a woman in. I'm not sure. No, no, we can just not sex. So um, look, I want to start with a very broad general um question that you can take in any direction you want. What's going on in America? What are the two sides? Because it seems like a lot of what has, as we've been hearing a lot about, and I think we're going to hear more about throughout this conference, there are polarizing forces at play, and the polls kind of get

defined differently, but is there a unifying thesis here? Um, there's the notion of populists and elitists. Are there elitists that say, I'm an elitist? There's corporate and government folks versus pocket square says, You're El yes. Uh, my pocket square keeps slipping. Um, there's the conservatives versus the liberals. I mean, what is the divide in the United States, and what is causing the polarity? What, how would you think about the polarity that's emerged? I think there's two ways broadly that I would answer that, and obviously, besties push back on me as I know David Sack surely will. Um, what one way to think about it, and I think Martin Gurri has written about this absolutely brilliantly in his book The Revolt of the Public, probably the most important book written in the last 25 years. Read it if you haven't. Strip Press published it. Say it again, Martin Gur's book. It's called The Revolt of the Public. And broadly, would he prophesied without

using the words Donald Trump or BLM or any of the phenomenon that have reshaped American political life over the past several decades is the sort of um call it the renades versus The Establishment or The Outsiders versus the Insiders. If you want to understand how it can be that Dick Cheney and Kamala Harris are on one side and Donald Trump and Tulsi Gabbard and Robert F. Kennedy, whatever you think of any of those people, are on the other, that's how you have to understand that. I think another way that I've been thinking about a lot, though, is sort of like there are three sides that I see that are emerging. I think the Free Press is trying to position itself in what I believe is the broad self-silencing majority piece of the pie, which is to say there's a woke left, there's increasingly a woke right, and then there's the normal people. And the normal PE, I mean, this is what people come up. I went to a thing for my daughter's new

preschool yesterday, and there were some Free Press readers, and they didn't come up to me to talk about any particular piece. They just said thank you for being normal, and normal was the adjective that almost all of them used. And so, I think that that's also something that's happening where, you know, I'm sure has already been discussed at this conference. We have this Horseshoe in which the left, the identitarian sort of anti-liberal left, illiberal left, sounds eerily similar at times to the illiberalism of the right, and they sort of are in this dance with each other, and the rest of us are feeling like, When did everything get so crazy? and Is there a return to normalcy? And I'm not saying a return to normalcy in the sense of like returning to some kind of neoliberal consensus. I just mean a return to the things that I think many of us still believe are just basic, commonsensical American values that right now feel under siege. Let's talk

about the media's role in this. You and I have been career journalists, um, editors. And so when we were coming up, they would take your piece, whatever you wrote, and just say, Well, this is an opinion. They'd strike it out and say, Who are you attributing this to? There was a very thoughtful process. And then something happened economically with link baiting and maybe trying to get more clicks. And then this very strange thing happened when Donald Trump got elected that I think you and I both witnessed, which was journalists who were, you know, thought of themselves as independent and storytellers who would just present the facts to an audience, then saw themselves um as part of the resistance and that they had to stop this individual um because they believed he was Hitler. And the marketing when you went to the Guardian or the Washington Post or the New York Times at the bottom of the New York, at the bottom of a Trump story would say, If you want us to hold truth to power and stop Trump, give us your credit card. Yeah, and this

seemed like just a bizarre moment. Maybe you could just talk about that paradigm-shifting because it happened during the economic turmoil as well when journalism got gutted. I think it's deeper than I think the roots of this are deeper than Trump. We actually have a piece we're running tomorrow afternoon called When We Started Lying. That's sort of a view from someone that was in the Middle East Bureau of the AP and seeing the roots of this back in 2005-2006. And what that piece argues, and I think it's exactly put, is people don't really understand that the fundamental job description of mainstream journalism has changed. It used to be that the job of journalism, and I still believe that this is the job, is to hold up a mirror to the world as it actually is so people can make sensible, rational decisions about where to send their kids to school, about where to live, about who to vote for, about all of the things that are important in this life. Tell the story about reality as plainly and as

truthfully as you can, that is plainly no longer the goal. I think of many mainstream, I should put in quotes, American journalists. The job description, as they see it, is to usher you toward the correct political position. That's it. And once you begin to understand that, things that seem crazy, like, wait, how did they not tell me about the Hunter laptop Biden laptop story, or why did they tell me that the thing that I saw with my own eyes, which is the obvious mental decline of the President of the United States, which is relevant to every single person in this country and in the world, was a lie. And once you start to understand that, you understand the misconstrual of certain stories, you understand the absolute silence around others. And frankly, that's why we're all here. Like, it's given this tremendous opportunity for people who crave that thing that journalism used to do, the truth. Can you? Well, can you? The truth. Yeah. Can you just double? Yeah. The truth. Just double-click into that. Like, it's not like there's

like some Grand cabal of people that decide, Let's obfuscate Biden fine. Let's elevate this. So, what does it actually mean day-to-day? Like, how is it happening? Okay, is it the money? Is it the incentives? What is happening? There's a few things that happened. The first, as Jason was alluding to, is that the economic model changed. It used to be that if you ran a piece in the New York Times, your fear was you were going to piss off the advertiser that was running next to the story. Once the business model shifted, you no longer were as concerned about, although you still are to some extent, about enraging Proctor and Gamble. You're worried about enraging the reader, right? This is the phenomenon that so many people have talked about, which is audience capture, which is, as you know, the individual sub-stalker is as susceptible to this as the New York Times. None of us are free from that phenomenon either.

people respond to your article and say, That was stupid, or That pissed me off, and then you feel pressure to change, unsubscribe, or unsubscribe. No. So think about this Accord and, and I think that these are public figures, but something like 95 to 98% of readers at the New York Times, and I'm choosing that only CU, it's the experience I know most intimately, regard themselves as liberals or progressives. So if you write, and I'm thinking about my wife who writes about in her book how she, after the violent rioting that happened in places like Kenosha, she was a business reporter, went and reported on those stories and found that the story was unbelievably complicated, that many of these business owners were minority small business owners, they did not have insurance, they were absolutely devastated by what happened. And you know what happened? She brought was an excellent story back to her editors, and they said, Let's wait until after the election to run this. So that's the kind of thing that would happen a lot, and no, there's not like

some secret cabal meeting that happens where it says, Let's make sure that we lie to our readers about Joe Biden's mental state. It's the exact same phenomenon that everyone here feels in any social scene or company or institution that they're a part of, which is that human beings are social animals. And if you look at the kinds of people that work at the New York Times, they went to the same 10 boarding schools or fancy schools and the same 10 colleges, and they marinated in the same set of ideas, and they want their kids to go to the same schools in Brooklyn Heights or the Upper West Side. And that creates this very particular group-thinking phenomenon. Let me add one thing, which is that was always there. The thing that I think has changed a lot in the past, let's call it 20 years, is that the very places that used to be feeders to the New York Times were no longer feeding in sort of your standard center-left liberal Democrat. They were feeding in a

kind of person who believed in something like Revolution and believed that their job was to Fu that inside the New York Times. Oh, but how does that say more about what does that what do you mean? Well, what I mean by that is that they did not. You could look at the values of the New York Times and sorry, okay, wait, just go back a step. So, the people in the New York Times are fancy, basically, is what you're saying. I'm not saying their fanciness is sort of beside the point. The point is that there was an archetype, yeah, of course, and then that archetype shifted, right? And is that because the feeder schools changed, or is that because what they were taught at those schools changed? It's because wokeness happened to American liberalism, and the people that were speaking the language of progressivism all of a sudden transformed the notion of what, let's say, social justice was, right? All of a sudden, social justice wasn't about doing good by the poor. It was actually about a kind of neoism and a resegregate all of a

sudden progressivism wasn't actually about human flourishing and progress. It was about, you know, ensuring equality of outcome rather than equality of opportunity. And I don't think that the sort of that transformation, which some people have said, Oh, wokeness has peaked, it's over, it cannot be overstated. The thing that began at the margins and at the fr has moved into the center of American institutional life. And that is the story of the transformation of the New York Times, and it's the story of the transformation of Harvard, and so many other places where people all of a sudden turned around and thought, When did everything get so insane? Is it a story that ends in socialism, as it has in past lives? I think that, you know, I'm an optimist. This is America, and I think that there's an unbelievable pushback to this phenomenon. But the pushback, I believe, we uh, we we have Elon here this afternoon, right? The pushback, and this is where I guess I'm more of a radical than a reformer. I think I began at the

New York Times as a reformer, believing that I could make a difference. God bless the people who are still trying to do that. I think there's a role for both. I think what has made me more of a radical, not politically, but just in terms of my posture, has been that I've become someone who believes that the way to change those institutions is not to give money to those places or join the board of them or delude yourself with the idea that you can transform them from within. It's to build new things, and in building new things and creating competition, it forces the other people to change. Give a voice to the people. If you wouldn't mind, give a voice to the people that want to buck the trend, that want to be able to respond to the statement that they are morally bankrupt if they identify that this is not the right path. What's the conversation that—and this is happening with everyone I know—in schools, in workplaces. It's not just the

institution of the New York Times. It's all institutions. Okay, it starts with something very simple. Give up the heroin needle of prestige. Rip it out of your arm immediately. Stop poisoning yourself, your families, and your children with the bankrupt notion that them getting into Harvard or Yale is more important than inculcating in them a sense of love, of family, of country, and of all of the things we used to think were normal. That to that that isn't clapping 'cause he went to Stanford, but to me, to me, that it begins with that because I find myself in these baffling conversations with people where they say, Thank you for what you do. I'm so grateful for the Free Press. I'm so grateful. I'm like, Yeah, and we're talking. It's great. I'm like, Where do your kids go to school? And then they name a place that's like the center of the mind virus. And I'm like, Why would you do that? Well, that Al Alca was all filled up.

Yeah, they reach their capacities up, right? So, to me, it's sort of the beginning of wisdom. It begins with that and with the confidence that prestige and honor is not something that is granted to you by institutions that have allowed themselves to be corrupted by morally bankrupt people. You and your values, they're lucky to have you, right? That's what I think. Like, the fundamental posture needs to change. Let's talk about the new stuff we're all building, the Go Direct movement, all these new brands. You're one of them, we're one of them, I suppose. Are we going to talk about Founder Mode, and are you guys going to explain to me what that is? I mean, cocaine? I know in your no bar, it's cocaine, really? Yeah, Founder Mode's cocaine. Yeah, it's good. We have actually the good. I've never done Founder Mode. I can only guess, but no, my guy's got the best Founder Modes. I put some in your green room. Thank you so much. Yeah, yeah. If you need more, let me know. Um, so I

want to. I think I've been doing founder mode if founder mode means like working till you collapse every night for three. No, no. That just means being committed and trying to build a business. Yeah, we're talking about cocaine founder mode being a deal. It's back. Um, yeah, but let's seriously talk about um. It's so funny. Back baby. It's back. Woo. It's going to be a great show. Um, so I want to talk to you about uh the new stuff that's being built um. Obviously, you have your subscription-based business doing wonderfully. We've got the information. We've got all in um. And then you have, you know, everybody who got kicked off of um, you know, broadcast television um, or what, you know, for whatever reasons they left. Don Lemon, Megan Kelly uh, what's that? Catherine Harage. Yeah, it's fantastic. Yeah, so tons of long tail there but um. This group is also susceptible to the same things as you pointed out and and perhaps in some ways more susceptible because they've got a less subscriber base, less brand so.

Fox News is going to be fine. New York Times is going to be fine. But as we saw this past week, the Russians put $10 million into a little slush fund and then gave it to start with. No, no, I'm not talking to saxs. I'm talking to Barry. He's talking to sa through Barry. Thank God I'm not managing these people. Well, no, no, I'm just curious what you're. I mean, these are obviously, you know, as the Russians would call them, the useful idiots, but they didn't even know they were getting millions of dollars. They didn't ask where it was coming from. Obviously, you didn't take that money. We didn't get offered that money, unfortunately. Otherwise, you would have taken it. Yeah, we would have secured that bag immediately. Free money from the Russi. We're like the scene in The Matrix where Neo's dodging the bullets in one nicks's leg. That's the Russian money 'cause it was flying everywhere and Jal was trying to

jump into the bullets, and you know, trying to collect them, and it's like it's all we can do to just, we wanted to get that, uh, that sweet, sweet money. But what was your, your, what's your take on this, 'cause you had some strong feelings when, uh, I think Tucker went, um, and did his, what you thought was propaganda for Putin. Um, and so let's talk about, you know, how susceptible in your mind, um, these voices are to being bought and paid for, apparently. To me, it's less about allegedly being bought and paid for. I think what it is, is there's a really, really understandable risk that once you sort of eject yourself from the Matrix or whatever the right metaphor is, stop taking the blue, the blue pale T. It's like once you see one lie, all of a sudden, it comes a world of lies, and what's to stop you sort of from falling down the rabbit hole? And I'll give you an example. There's certain people I don't want to name them who, like, I so admired, and I felt like they were really

precinct on stand on standing up against sort of the neo-racism from the left, let's say, and then all of a sudden I turn around and they're basically talking about how Bill Gates is like putting 5G chips in our brain. And I think to myself, how did that happen? And I think the way that it happened is a really understandable human impulse, which is these people lied to me about this thing, therefore everything they say is untrue, or these PE or the Overton window has been narrowed so tightly that I'm just going to fling it open to, I don't know, someone that says that Churchill is a villain and the Nazis may have had a point. So that's what I think is actually happening more broadly. And I think the I feel oftentimes at the Free Press like we're dancing on the edge of a knife, which is to say on one side you have these institutions that have the poor gatekeeping, but at least it's, I mean, they have gatekeeping, they have fact

Checkers, they have this whole system right that's corrupt, but at least it was supposed to work at one point. And then you have kind of the Wild West world, and the Wild West world has everything. And so, you know, can see Alex Jones right alongside, you know, a fantastic journalist like Megan Kelly. And how are you supposed to know who is who, right? And so, that's the challenge, I think, of the new Wild West world. And what we're desperately trying to do at the Free Press is to be the bridge. And what I mean by that is to marry the standards that you would once expect from a place like the Washington Post or the New York Times. In other words, everything is rigorously fact-checked. When we get something wrong, we publicly correct it, like all of those old rules. But marrying them to the sort of political freedom of the new world. Can you take us into an instance where a contributor, because you have a lot of freelance contributors or just, you know, important people, will want to publish now in the Free Press, which I

think is a really good sign for you um that you're doing something meaningful um that they submit something and you're like okay this is not actually reporting this is your opinion on a conspiracy and we need to maybe get some facts in here to boister this opinion of yours because I mean these dopes accepted $100,000 who never asked it so then people are going to take their opinion on Ukraine and and look at that as factual when they don't even question who gave them $100,000 an episode I mean you the these people are obviously idiots SLC corrupt what do you think I wish I had read more about this particular story well it's infuriating because if somebody were to drop $100,000 on you to publish the Free Press on another website you'd say where's the money coming from correct yeah I mean why are we getting free money yeah we don't get free money probably because I'm too stupid to get free money but no no it's the opposite

you're too smart, so they wouldn't offer it. Maybe I mean the scenario you're asking me to go into that happens every single day. In other words, we're in a really excellent position where we turn down the majority of things that are submitted to us. And I think the thing that's really heartening is what our readers reward is the very thing that we were founded to get. In other words, when I left the New York Times, the Free Press, Barry Weiss, subs.com, and it began as a reactionary product, honestly, like now it's transformed itself, but it began as me being so pissed that they were ignoring and lying about so much. And those were the stories that I ran sort of headlong into, mostly institutional capture in the areas of law and medicine and education. But just to choose an example, a few hours ago, we sent Leon Woodhouse, an amazing reporter. I saw, as everyone here did, that the Third Precinct in Minneapolis during the BLM protest and rioting burned to the ground. And the

cops abandoned that station, and I wondered, what do the cops in the third precinct, what do the small business owners there, what do they think about Tim Walls? Now, that is a natural story that, in a normal time, the New York Times would report on immediately when he was chosen, but they didn't. And so we sent Lon, and he interviewed two dozen police officers and small business owners, and that is the kind of thing that our readers want. They want new information, soberly presented and brilliantly written. They want really high-quality things, and to me, that's one of the things about building the business that has been the most heartening. David Saaks has not said a word. Well, let me, uh, found, let me, I can actually, let me, let me, uh, agree with a few things you said. Um, so first of all, I agree with you that the mainstream media is not just biased, it's just like all propaganda all the time, and the turning point for me in realizing this was Co. I think before COVID, I realized that, yeah.

you know the media, the MRE media, largely consists of liberals, so they're going to have a liberal bias. What we saw during COVID was that they were even lying about science, right? It wasn't just politics; it was like everything. You know, we were told that the pandemic was a pandemic of the unvaccinated, even though even if you got the what they were calling the vaccine, it didn't actually stop the spread. You go on and on that, you know, we had to basically do social distancing, except when the riots of 2020 happened. Then you're allowed to go outside and actually participate because it's a social justice cause, so therefore the health changes. I mean, it was like on and on, church, but you can go to a protest, right? Right, so no surfing. So it was like for me, it became so obvious that that the media is just, again, it goes way beyond bias, you know? It's like it's just all wrong. Now, at the same time, I think that

you do raise a good point, which is once you're outside the world of The Prestige media. Yeah, you are kind of on your own. You're on independent platforms. I use X to try and figure out, you know, who I should listen to. And the way I do it is I compare who said what compared to what actually happened. So, like, who ended up being right about the issues. And then I will follow them more, and I will definitely follow the people who are wrong. It's really simple. For example, on the issue of Ukraine, the number one quoted source in the mainstream media is a think tank called The Institute for the Study of War. It's basically a neocon-funded think tank. Who are the relatives of Victoria Nuland, who is the architect of our policy in Ukraine. Everything they've written over the past two and a half years about Ukraine has been proven wrong. They said that the summer counteroffensive last summer was going to be a giant victory. It ended up being a disaster. Sorry, these are her

relatives yourself relatives and the mainstream media, the New York Times, so on quotes isw. It's if you go look at the citations. It is the single most cited authority by the mainstream media, and they are consistently wrong. Who is right about the Sumer counter-offensive? Well, I was, for example, while we're handing out credit, and I certainly didn't need to be paid by the Russians. I just figured out what the truth was. Okay, jcal. So, you know, you bring up these stories about Russian influence or whatever. The real influence operation in this country is by the mainstream media. They're the ones who are spreading disinformation about the war in Ukraine and so many other issues on a scale that dwarfs what any of these handful of podcasters that most people have never heard of can ever hope to accomplish. So, in any event, I agree with you. When's the foreign policy panel at this conference, and can I join it? Well, yeah, we're going.

to do Shimer and S. M. Shimer and Saxs on Saxs on M. Shimer. Well, look, I would um, well, we're having yeah, John Mir Shimer and Jeffrey Sachs are speaking tomorrow, so they're doing a Tay T. But yeah, if you want to stick around and we could have maybe you and John, we can work that. I have a I have a question. You got you've got some time right now, right now, you, me, no, no, go go on last um, last year. This would be like a many hours conversation. Well, last year, one of the most popular things that come out of this was a talk about regulatory capture by Bill Gurley, and you mentioned that the first thing Bill Gurley, that's cheering for Bill and not regulatory capture, cheering for Bill um, he's great. But you said that when you left the Times, you threw yourself sort of like head first into the regulatory capture of the law and medicine and whatnot. Uh, what did you learn? I would say regulatory capture. I would say ideological capture.

ideological capture. Okay, so what did you learn? I mean, we've published so much on this, but basically the way in which institutions intended for one purpose have come to serve another one or another God. And you know, in the case of medicine, which I would think would be maybe the most alarming in the law, um, not actually intending, I mean, the purpose of medicine is to do no harm. And yet, all of a sudden, in many hospitals and medical schools across the country, people were being told to do something very different, to meet out care based on race, to shuffle young teenage girls especially toward irreversible changes in their bodies, and things of that nature. So, a lot of it comes back to the fundamental theme we've been sort of circling in this conversation, which is that ideological change that's happened. Um, and I think just to go back to where we began this conversation, it's like where did all this come from? I don't think it's possible to understand these changes and

like the Rebel Alliance, maybe that's risen up against it without talking about technology and the reality that we, like, 20 years ago, 30 years ago, I would have just left the New York Times and just maybe opened a diner, done something completely different. This would not have been available to me, and it's kind of unbelievable what's been made possible by technology. I mean, I'm not someone who... I've never managed a person in my life, I never raised money in my life, I never imagined I'd be an entrepreneur, I can barely log into Substack, and now I have a company with 50 full-time employees. It's unbelievable. That's amazing, yeah. Congratulations, that's founder mode, and that's the real founder mode. And I would just add that, you know, what the truth is on any particular issue is not always obvious. It's a process to figure it out, and so we have to have these alternatives in order to debate the issues and then arrive at the truth.

you again compare what people said to what actually happens, and you try to figure out who you can trust. And the good news is that today we have these alternatives. We have alternative media, of which you're a major part. All in PO is a major part. And I think these alternatives are building in reaction to basically the corruption of the mainstream media, which I think you're spot on about. I think that the challenge, at least I'll say for the Free Press, is there are a lot of people out there whose goal—and they're doing it beautifully—is to make a lot of money really quickly and to be very influential as one-man bands. What we are trying to do is something much more long-term. We are trying, in an age where no one trusts institutions anymore and they only trust individuals and influencers, to stealthily build an institution. And what that requires is a kind of discipline to give up, and we do a lot of things that would really stuff our pockets in the short term, not the

Russians, but other things, um, for the sake of building what is to us the thing of the most value, which is trust with the audience. And they, I believe, see us doing that and see us publishing things that might enrage them, that they might disagree with, that might provoke them. And we think that that's just a part of that, that is fundamental to our mission. It's great, ladies and gentlemen, Harry Weiss. Thank you. [Music] [Applause]

Bari Weiss | All-In Summit 2024

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All-In Podcast

Barry Weiss's Perspective on America's Polarization

Barry Weiss, a former New York Times editor, criticizes the press's emerging consensus and the need for bravery in expressing dissenting views.

She identifies a divide in America between populists and elitists, as well as insiders and outsiders.

Weiss argues that the Free Press aims to represent the "self-silencing majority" caught between the woke left and right, advocating for honest and independent discourse.

Journalists at a recent event expressed gratitude for normalcy amidst the chaotic political climate.

The role of journalism has shifted from presenting facts to actively promoting a specific political agenda, particularly during and after Trump's election.

This change in focus has led to a misconstrual of stories and a silence around certain issues, creating a demand for journalism that prioritizes truth and reality.

The Influence of Audience Capture on Media

The economic model of media has shifted, leading to audience capture where outlets prioritize reader reactions over advertiser concerns.

This phenomenon is evident in organizations like the New York Times, where a majority of readers identify as liberal or progressive, creating a group-thinking dynamic among the staff.

The changing archetype of employees, influenced by wokeness and progressive ideals, has transformed the media's approach to social justice and reporting.

The Transformation of Progressivism and the Push for Change

Sudden progressivism has shifted the focus from equality of opportunity to equality of outcome, impacting major institutions like the New York Times and Harvard.

The speaker advocates for a radical approach to change by building new institutions and creating competition, rather than trying to reform from within.

They emphasize the importance of prioritizing values like family and country over prestigious educational institutions, and call for a fundamental change in mindset to combat the current trend.

The Impact of Founder Mode and Media Influence

Founder mode often involves intense dedication and long hours, but it can also lead to burnout.

The media landscape is shifting, with former broadcast personalities seeking new opportunities, but they are also vulnerable to external influences, such as financial backing from questionable sources.

The risk of falling into a cycle of conspiracy theories and extreme viewpoints is a common challenge for those who break away from traditional media narratives.

The Free Press: Bridging Old and New Media Standards

The Free Press aims to combine rigorous fact-checking and public corrections with the political freedom of the new media landscape.

The organization receives numerous submissions from contributors but turns down the majority, focusing on high-quality, impactful stories.

The Free Press has gained recognition for its unique approach, addressing underreported stories and providing new information to its readers.

The media, largely liberal, has been criticized for its biased reporting during COVID-19, promoting narratives that were later proven wrong.

The Institute for the Study of War, a neocon-funded think tank, has been the most cited source by the mainstream media on Ukraine, yet its predictions have consistently failed.

The speaker emphasizes that the real influence operation in the U.

is by the mainstream media, spreading disinformation on a larger scale than independent voices.

Institutions like medicine and law have shifted their focus, often causing harm and promoting ideologically driven agendas.

The speaker highlights the role of technology in enabling their own unexpected entrepreneurial journey.

Alternative media is emerging in response to the corruption of mainstream media, with a long-term goal of building trust with the audience.